Originally published in Tait's Edinburgh Magazine (William Tait) vol.1 #5 (Aug 1832).
It is the fashion in England to attribute all disturbances in France either to the Republican or the Carlist factions. If to detest the government of Louis Philippe be Republican or Carlist, then ninety-nine out of one thousand throughout all France are Republicans or Carlists.
No king ever ascended the throne under more favourable auspices than Louis Philippe; and though he had often conspired to wrest it from Louis XVIII. and Charles X., it is very certain that the revolution was made without any reference to him. No one thought of him. The nation had gained a sudden and unexpected victory; it found itself without a government; it was a body without a head: liberty was as yet unstained with crime, but anarchy was to be dreaded within, and the hostility of the northern powers without. In this crisis, the Duke of Orleans was proposed as Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. His principles were sounded; and, according to his professions, they were such as the most ardent lover of liberty could desire. It was but one step made to ascend that throne against which he had conspired for sixteen years; and the step was not difficult, for he had won all hearts by his declarations. His avarice and his intrigues were all forgotten, in his apparently sincere declarations; even the honest Lafayette was the dupe of his cunning, and exclaimed in the simplicity of his heart, "This is the best of republics." To mask his game, Louis Philippe cajoled Lafayette: they were like two young lovers; not a day passed without three or four, and sometimes more letters passing between them. Louis Philippe called the General by the most endearing names—his father, his tutelary angel, the father of his country, the patriarch of liberty, and as "variety is the very spice of life that gives it all its flavour," the Citizen King took care to vary the patriotic epithets as much as possible. He told the General, that the standard of liberty planted in France should wave over every capital in Europe; and when they presented him the tri-coloured flag, he pressed to his heart with rapture—"Those glorious colours under which he had formerly fought." He did not tell them, and they forgot to remember, that the tri-coloured flag is the livery of the family of Orleans, blue, white, and red; and that he was therefore glad to see the country wear his livery[1] once more, and the exclamation was consequently taken as a proof of his patriotism.
Lafayette, as is well known, will never fancy all right until he sees all the world republican; his royal pupil even went farther than himself, and declared his readiness to assist every nation that would rise against its government to assert its liberty. The General now unfolded his plans relative to Belgium, Italy, and Poland; and the King expressed not only his entire approbation of the scheme, but also that he would be ready to second their efforts with all the resources of France. This turned the General's head, and he fancied the King a republican indeed. He now went to work under what he supposed the King's sanction. In the meantime, the citizen King was most earnest in his assurances to the foreign powers, that the only difference they should find would be the mere change of name—Charles X. for Louis Philippe; that he should observe the same policy as his predecessors ; and that if he appeared to go hand in hand with the people, it was only to prevent their rising, and once more disturbing the peace of Europe. He assured them at the same time that the "rebels" who counted on the assistance of France, should be disappointed. The refusal of one of the ambassadors named, to execute the Jesuitic mission brought the facts to light; and Lafayette being made acquainted with them, accused his royal pupil of treachery and bad faith, and cut his Majesty.
The mask soon dropped off entirely, and the people saw in Louis Philippe a greater enemy of liberty than Charles X. Intrigue filled all the avenues to the throne; none but those who would lend themselves to the King's views were received into favour: honest independence was certain of proscription. He was a Buonaparte without his brains. He set his face against all projects of laws which had for their object the good of the people. In his character of King, and successor of Charles X. he considered himself as the heir-at-law of the old monarchy; and as his only pleasure was to amass riches, whatever tended to scatter them royally abroad was suppressed, and he put the money in his own pocket.
The game in the royal forests was killed; any person was allowed to sport in them on paying his Majesty a fixed price for every head of game killed, according to its value; all was sold even to the library and philosophical instruments of the pages. Napoleon had resolved that his pages should be well-educated young men, and he appointed professors with a good library, and a cabinet of philosophical instruments; the institution was preserved by Louis XVIII. and Charles X.; but it was evident, from the catalogue, that it had remained as Napoleon left it. Louis Philippe thought it a pity that so much property should not be turned to account, and brought it to the hammer. But what most disgusted the nation was, that he was allowed eighteen millions of francs to support the dignity of the throne, and did not spend one.fourth of it. It was also ascertained, or at least currently believed, that he sent the rest, as well as his private income, out of the country. Certain it is, that he has neither placed it in the French funds nor kept it by him.
Louis XVIII. and Charles X. were accessible to the claims of suffering indigence. They and the other members of the royal family gave very large sums in charity; the Citizen King gives nothing: and whatever be the nature of the petition, the uniform printed answer sent, after a delay of two or three months, is,—"Your demand has passed under the King's eyes, and has been referred to the minister of - - - - -."[2]
Lafayette, during his ministry, made respectful representations to his Majesty against the increasing proscriptions and destitutions which daily took place at what was considered the royal pleasure. Former despots left to their ministers the care and the odium of preparing lists of proscription and destitution. The Citizen King knew that business was never so well done as when a man attended to it himself, and saved his ministers a great deal of trouble in this respect.
The press, the invincible bulwark of modern liberty, did not suffer these royal atrocities to escape unnoticed; prosecution on prosecution followed. The courts would invariably have condemned; but fortunately the trial by jury had been established, and the government was almost invariably defeated in its schemes of vengeance. The detestation became universal, and his fate is sealed. His throne totters, and must fall ere long. Despised by every power in Europe, for his cringing meanness, and his known treachery; detested throughout all France for his despotic tyranny, and violation of all those principles which placed him on the throne,—he only owes his being still king to the difficulty of supplying his place by one on whom the nation can rely with confidence. The recent events are to be deeply lamented, as ill-advised and unconcerted; but be it remembered, that the blood of martyrs is the seed of the church, and Louis Philippe will ere long be taught, that it is not either the massacre of unarmed citizens, or the placing the capital in a state of siege, that can secure his throne against the execrations of thirty-two millions of people, resolved to be rid of a Royal Tiger.
1. The first revolutionary flag was green; but on the Duke of Orleans declaring himself one of the most zealous partisans, assuming the cognomen of Egalité, and declaring that he belonged to the Tiers Etat, and not to the Noblesse, they assumed his colours. He affirmed that he knew that he was not the son of the Duke of Orleans, but of the Duke's coachman. His assertion, however dishonourable to his mother, and consequently infamous on his part, was no doubt true; the family likeness of the coachman has descended to Louis Philippe, and the gallantries of his grandmother were well known. On a quarrel with her husband, she said, "You fancy yourself a very great personage, but I am greater than you; for I can make princes without you, and you cannot make them without me." It is in allusion to these facts, that in many of the caricatures, Louis Philippe is represented as a coachman.
2. Votre demande a passée sous les yeux du Rois, et a eté renvoyé au ministre de - -.