Tuesday, March 31, 2026

Ancient Classical Novelists

by Meleager.

Originally published in Temple Bar (Ward and Lock) vol.1 #7 (Jun 1861).


Part III.
Iamblichus, and Xenophon the Ephesian.

Our view of the regular order in which fiction developed itself has been somewhat interrupted by the introduction of Lucian into the series, who no doubt deserves recognition more as a generally amusing writer than purely as a novelist. We trust, however, that the specimens we have given of his wit, humour, and power of narrative have justified this deviation from the strict path of literary genealogy. All the writers who remain to be discussed are the lineal successors of the Antonius Diogenes already mentioned; and the first of the two authors whose names head this Paper may even be considered a novelist in the usual modern sense,—since he uses as the chief basis of interest the difficulties which retard the fortunate completion of a love-affair.
        Iamblichus—whose work is entitled Babylonica—is not to be confounded with the author of the Life of Pythagoras, who lived in the time of Julian. Our Iamblichus[1] was a Syrian, and flourished under the Emperor Trajan. He was educated at Babylon, and only learnt Greek late in life, but is said to have acquired it perfectly enough to become a rhetorician himself. What sort of Greek he wrote, however, we cannot say, for though we are going to give an account of his book, we have nothing but the Epitome of Photius to draw upon, the original having entirely perished. There is a story that the work existed in Ms. down to the year 1671, and was then destroyed by fire; but this does not seem to be supported by trustworthy evidence, nor is it certain that the supposed fragments really belonged to it at all.[2] The plot of the story, however, is clearly enough told by the Patriarch of Constantinople, and is as follows.
        Sinonis, an Assyrian lady of great beauty, was engaged to be married to Rhodanes, a lover in every way worthy of her. Garmus, the king of Babylonia, proposed to deprive Rhodanes of his betrothed; and on her refusal to accede to this arrangement, took both into custody, ordered Rhodanes to be crucified, and confined Sinonis with a golden chain. By coaxing her jailors, Sacas and Damas, she escaped; and Rhodanes got away also. When this fact came to the king's ears, he cut off those of the two officers, and having also deprived them of their noses, sent them in quest of the fugitives. The latter took refuge in the cottage of an old woman, who showed them a cave with its mouth concealed by brushwood, and extending for three miles (thirty stadia). The pursuers, though they had surrounded the spot, were at fault; but a shield happening to fall through the opening betrayed the hiding-place. Damas and his followers dug a trench of circumvallation round it; but made so much noise in giving his orders, that the lovers had timely warning, and got away to the further opening. The digging of the trench disturbed a nest of wild bees, which had fed on poisonous flowers; they stung most of Damas's soldiers, who either died or became very ill; and Rhodanes and Sinonis, having eaten some of the honey, were overcome by its narcotic effects, and falling by the wayside were left for dead by their pursuers, who charitably covered them up, and left some food as offerings to their manes. In time they were awoke by finding the crows fighting for the honour of devouring their bodies; and meeting with two asses, took possession of them to continue their journey. They next fell into the hands of a robber, who was also a cannibal, but were saved from appearing at his table by the wretch himself being caught by Damas, who, not knowing of their proximity, set the premises on fire, from which they only escaped by killing their animals and walking out over their carcasses. Captured by the soldiers, they pretended to be ghosts of some of the people whom the robber had murdered, and next took possession of an empty tomb, which had just been vacated, owing to the intended occupier's having come to life in the middle of his funeral ceremonies, Here they feasted so luxuriously on the food and wine they found, that on being traced by their pursuers they were again taken for dead. On resuming their journey, Sinonis attempted to sell some of the clothes taken from the tomb, but was taken up for sacrilege, and brought before a magistrate named Sorœchus, who thought her pretty enough to be an acceptable offering to the king. Rather than come before Garmus again, Rhodanes and the lady prepared to take poison; but Sorœchus, having discovered their design, abstracted it, and substituted a soporific drug, during the operation of which he attempted to convey them to the king; but on their waking and trying a more effectual means of suicide, and relating their misfortunes, he let them go, pointing out the temple of Venus on an island in the river, where the wound of Sinonis might be cured. The priestess of this temple had two sons, named Tigris and Euphrates, exactly alike, and a daughter called Mesopotamia. Tigris had died some time before, owing to his having swallowed a beetle in a rose he was eating; but his mother believed that he was turned into a demi-god. As soon as Rhodanes approached, she discovered so remarkable a likeness to her son that she fancied he had come back from the shades, with Proserpine (in the shape of Sinonis) to conduct him. Rhodanes availed himself of the hint, and "assumed the god," as the readiest means of baffling his pursuers.
        In the mean time, however, the medical man who had been called in by Sorœchus to cure Sinonis's wound had violated professional confidence, and delated the affair to Damas, who immediately sent Sorœchus under a guard before the king, and despatched the informer to the temple with a letter ordering the extradition of the fugitives. He had to cross the river on a camel, and hung the letter, in the usual way, on the animal's right ear; but happening somehow or other to get drowned when half-way across, the camel finished the passage, and Rhodanes, taking the letter from its ear, understood the fate in store for him. He instantly set off with Sinonis, and happening to meet with Sorœchus on his way to Garmus, killed the guards and set him free, as a return for his former kindness. The priest was arrested by Damas, and condemned to change his profession for that of an executioner; his son Euphrates, whom from his likeness he had addressed as Rhodanes, shared his fate. Sacas,—who it will be remembered was the fellow-officer of Damas,—supposing Euphrates to be Rhodanes, and Mesopotamia to be the missing Sinonis, sent word to Garmus that the birds were caught.
        The real Rhodanes and Sinonis had taken refuge in the cottage of a rustic, whose daughter was in mourning for her husband, and had cut off her hair. Sinonis had been provident enough to preserve the gold chain with which she had been at first fastened up, and now sent the daughter out to sell it. The latter happened to go to the very goldsmith who had made it, who, suspecting her to be the lady who was "wanted," sent a message to Damas, and put his customer under surveillance. She observed herself followed, and, being too clever to go home, attempted to lead them off the scent by going to another house, which she supposed to be deserted, but which was, in fact, occupied by a slave who had just murdered a young woman there, and was hiding till the affair should blow over. On her arrival,—thinking, probably, that he was discovered,—he killed himself. A quantity of his blood got sprinkled over the girl's person; and her appearance was so shocking, that, as she came back towards her home, she frightened the detectives entirely away. The gold chain had been in the mean time sent to Garmus; but his informants were not positive enough about the person to induce him to inquire further.
        Rhodanes and Sinonis, finding themselves harassed as usual, prepared to leave the rustic, and Rhodanes, without thinking any harm, gave the pretty widow a kiss in return for her trouble. Sinonis found him out, of course; the girl had apparently forgotten to wash her face, and some of the blood had become transferred—like the wine-stain in Goethe's ballad[3]—to the cheeks of Rhodanes. Sinonis, being a violent young person, seized a sword, and rushed off to kill her supposed rival, but was diverted from her purpose by Sorœchus, with whom she put up at the house of a rich fellow named Setapus. Setapus attempted to exact the ransom which some people expect from ladies whom they assist on their travels; but Sinonis, who had no idea of carrying her weapon about for nothing, pretended to submit to the conditions of her host, and then played the part of Judith or Jael; after which feat, feeling herself in the humour for more work, quitted the house without telling Sorœchus what she had done, and went to the cottage with a view of exacting vengeance on the widow for the kiss, which still rankled in her mind. Sorœchus, finding her gone, took some of the servants and a carriage, and brought her back in time to prevent further mischief; but the attendants of the late Setapus, finding their master killed, arrested the fair homicide, and took her off, not as a fugitive, but as a criminal.
        Soreechus put dust on his head, cut his clothes, and went, like a refractory pauper, to tell Rhodanes, who did not see his way out of the affair except by going through the operation of "happy despatch." However, his friend suggesting that while there was life there was hope, with other equally original topics of consolation, turned him from his fell purpose. Garmus, having had letters from Sacas about a lady who had tried to dispose of a gold chain, took it for granted that the prey was captured at last, settled to marry Sinonis as soon as she should arrive, sacrificed to the gods, rejoiced abundantly, and—out of the gladness of his heart—commanded a general gaol-delivery throughout all the kingdom. The real Sinonis of course got the benefit of this act, and was at large again almost as soon as arrested. As for Damas, Garmus ordered him to be put to death; and, hearing from the goldsmith that Sinonis (as he supposed her to be—but really the cottager's daughter) had made her escape, he issued a warrant for the execution of that unfortunate tradesman, and ordered all the messengers that had been sent after her, together with their wives and children, to be buried alive.
        At this point we learn that Rhodanes had a dog, and Sinonis a father, neither of which appendages have been previously mentioned. The former animal appears to have followed the widow—that is, the cottager's daughter (why didn't Mr. Iamblichus give her a name?)—when she went to the deserted house where the slave killed himself, and staying behind ate the whole of the slave's body, as well as a good deal of that of the girl he had murdered. The father of Sinonis happened to enter this house, and recognised the dog, though after having had two corpses to himself for about ten days he must have grown out of all knowledge. Without ever asking him to bark and explain himself, which Anubis would surely have enabled him to do if time had been given, the irate parent exclaimed, like Llewellyn in the ballad of "Beth Gelert,"

"Hell-hound, by thee my child's devour'd!"

and incontinently slew the creature. He then partially interred the bodies, and having written on the wall with the dog's blood an inscription, "Here lies the fair Sinonis," hanged himself then and there. Sorœchus and Rhodanes soon arrived, by some extraordinary chance, at this fatal domicile; and the latter, seeing his intended father-in-law sus. per coll., prepared to follow the suicidal example; having also written, "And the fair Rhodanes," as his own modest epitaph. Sorœchus thought they might as well all go together, so he, too, put his head into the noose. Just as both were on the brink of Elysium, and Rhodanes had gone so far as to inflict a slight wound, the widow rushed in, and seeing the situation with surprising quickness, cried out, "It is not Sinonis who lies here," cut down Sorœchus, snatched the sword from Rhodanes, told them the whole history of the dead slave, explaining that she came to possess herself of some money which he was supposed to have buried in the place. Sorœchus went for a doctor, while she stayed to dress the wound of Rhodanes; and while thus engaged, who should make her appearance but Sinonis. She had not in the least forgotten her jealousy—had gone to the girl's father with a drawn sword in her hand; and that extraordinary rustic, who seems to have had the queerest notions of parental duty that Babylonian was ever blessed with, actually told her where his daughter was to be found. The situation was awkward; Sinonis did not in the least believe in Sisters of Charity; and here was her lover tended by a handsome widow, whom he was proved to have surreptitiously kissed once before. She made a furious rush at the object of her enmity, but Rhodanes could not as a gentleman suffer his nurse to be turned into a patient, so he restrained Sinonis, and after a struggle took away her sword. This, as might be expected, did not mitigate her rage; she flew out of the house, exclaiming, "I invite you to Garmus's wedding," and did not return.
        The son and daughter of the priestess, Euphrates and Mesopotamia, were in the mean time brought before Garmus, who, finding that the latter was not Sinonis, gave her over to an officer named Zobaras to be beheaded; to deter, as he said, any one from assuming her name a second time. Zobaras, of course, fell in love with his charge, and instead of beheading her took her to the court of Berenice, who had just sueceeded to the throne of Egypt by the death of her father. Berenice protected the lovers, and was in consequence immediately involved in a war with King Garmus. The latter gave Euphrates over to the executioner; but the unlucky monarch was fated to disappointment in all his cherished projects; for the fact is, though we cannot expect the reader to remember it, that, as a punishment for harbouring Sinonis, the priest of Venus had been compelled to undertake the unpleasant office; and Euphrates therefore found himself in no worse hands than those of his own father. The latter as yet had had no work, and as it was important that the priest should not stain his hands with human blood, his son performed his duty for him, and soon had the opportunity of saving a life, as his own had been saved. Sinonis[4] does not appear to have carried out her threat of marrying Garmus; but she somehow or other became the wife of a king of Syria, of whom we had not previously heard. The first use she made of her power was to wreak her vengeance on the cottager's daughter; but the latter found favour in the eyes of Euphrates, and evaded discovery by wielding in an official capacity—and we conclude in male attire—the axe which had been destined for her own throat. This arrangement gave Euphrates an opportunity of escaping in the disguise of the jailor's daughter.
        Sorœchus was ordered by Garmus to be crucified; and his cross was set up in the very spot where Rhodanes and Sinonis had made their first halt, and where they had discovered a mysterious treasure, which they had no time to carry away. Just in time he was taken down by a body of soldiers of the Alani, whose pay was in arrear, and whom he persuaded to acknowledge him as king and levy war against Garmus. In the mean time Garmus had crucified Rhodanes also, had got drunk, and was dancing round him with intense delight, enjoying. his agonies, when news came of the marriage of Sinonis to the King of Syria. Garmus at once took down his victim, made him a general officer, and put him in command of an expedition against the Syrian prince; but secretly gave orders to his private emissaries, that as soon as Rhodanes had conquered his adversary and recovered the lady, he was to be assassinated. Rhodanes obtained a victory and possession of Sinonis; but the plot against him failed, and he turned his forces against Garmus, whom he overthrew and deprived of his kingdom.—
        Iamblichus did not describe Rhodanes married, or the Patriarch of Constantinople has not thought it necessary to continue his abridgment beyond this point; but we have an idea that Sinonis was a vixen, and that Rhodanes did not find her worth all the coil that had been made about her. It is evident that she never forgave her lover for taking the widow's part, which is an unamiable trait in her character; and it destroys our interest in her to find that she married some one else instead of waiting for Rhodanes to the end of the seventeenth book.[5] Possibly it was the fashion for novelists to be realistic in the days of Iamblichus; and the poetic justice, which has since been so useful to writers and agreeable to readers, was not then considered as a matter of course. The Oriental education of our author might also lead him to look upon such matters in a light different from that in which they appear to us.
        On the ground of representation of manners, character, or style, it is of course impossible now to form any judgment of this novel; but in respect of its narrative, it may be allowed to possess some ingenuity. Let it be remembered that it was probably the first of its kind; that is, the first having any pretension to a plot in which one part bears upon another, as distinguished from a succession of adventures which may be cut short at any moment. At the same time, it cannot be said that the invention of the author is very brilliant; many of the incidents are too much alike, and that of the likeness between Rhodanes and the sons of the priest, on which so much is made to turn, is excessively forced. The best incident in the story appears to be the release of the real Sinonis, in consequence of the king's intended marriage to the supposed Sinonis,—certainly a most unexpected turn of fortune, and one which has a good deal of comic force about it. The circumstances in general are perhaps sufficiently probable for a pantomime; for the libretto of an opera they would be scarcely good enough, though the trials of the lovers in the Zauberflöte have a certain degree of resemblance to those which we have just related.
        We cannot detain the reader with any thing even distantly approaching to a biographical account of the next novelist; for there is absolutely no mention of him in any ancient writer except Suidas, and scholars have always wondered why Photius did not epitomize him. It is not even certain that Xenophon was his real name, or that he lived at Ephesus; for the rhetoricians sometimes concealed themselves under pseudonyms, just as prizefighters call themselves Wednesbury Wallopers or Birmingham Pets. There is only one Ms. of his work, which is preserved in the Monastery of the Monte Cassino, near Florence, written in extremely tiny characters, and supposed to belong to the eleventh century. From certain internal evidence, it seems pretty clear that the writer, whoever he was, lived in the age of the Antonines; and we are the less inclined to believe that he belonged to a later period, because his Greek is remarkably good, his style singularly clear, and almost, though not quite, free from conceits or rhetorical turns of thought. An easier or more perspicuous style it would be difficult to find any where, except perhaps in the works of his Athenian namesake. The story is a better one than that of Iamblichus, and a reader may really find himself interested in parts of the original; though we cannot flatter ourselves that this quality will be preserved in our account of it. However, here it is. It is called Ephesiaca; or, the Adventures of Habrocomas and Anthia.
        Habrocomas was an Ephesian youth, of such surpassing beauty that his fellow-citizens almost adored him as a god. He was accomplished in music and literature, and skilled in all manly exercises,—a complete Admirable Crichton of his time. But he was as vain as he was clever and handsome, and was particularly scornful on the subject of love, whose statues he thought quite below comparison with his own person. Certainly they were, but it was not good manners to say so; and the God of Love resented the insult, and prepared a dire revenge on this upstart rival. He found his opportunity at a festival of Diana, to whose temple, a short distance from the city, it was the custom for the youths and maidens of Ephesus to walk in procession, bearing the insignia of the goddess,—torches, bows, arrows, baskets,—and followed by horses and dogs. This time it was Habrocomas who headed the youths; while the leader of the girls, and the fairest of the whole troop, was a certain maiden named Anthia, whose beauty was enhanced by the richness and elegance of her attire. Her hair was auburn; part of it was plaited round her head, but the greater quantity was left to the wind to play with as it pleased. Her eyes were spirited,[6] but with the gaiety of girlhood they combined the severer expression of a modest maiden. Her dress was a purple tunic, fastened at the shoulders and gathered up just above the knee ;over it was thrown a fawn-skin, and her bow and arrows hung behind. In her hands she held a couple of spears, and was followed by her hounds.[7] It was not wonderful that the Ephesians, who, when they had met her walking about in her every-day costume, had adored her as much as Diana, should now take her for the goddess herself. Nothing else was talked about while she was passing but the beautiful Anthia; but when Habrocomas came in sight, most of the crowd forgot the previous object of their admiration, and concentrated their gaze upon him,—only a few observed, what a handsome couple the two would make. The consequence, however, was that each of the two admired people wished to see the other, and the amorous deity might be said to have drawn his first parallel.
        As soon as they entered the temple, both processions broke up and mingled together. Habrocomas and Anthia saw each other, and instantly fell head over ears in love. Habrocomas, who was not used to admiring any one but himself, resisted the pleasing enchantment as much as he could, but was obliged to give in at last, and could not keep his eyes off the young lady. As for Anthia, she surrendered her heart at once, and, though it is shocking to relate of one whose looks have just been described as severely modest, we fear there is no doubt that she did her best to attract the object of her admiration, by talking on purpose for him to hear her charming voice, and even allowing him to see the elegance of her figure.[8] Xenophon does not say whether his hero and heroine enjoyed the delight of each other's conversation, though it would have been amusing to know what was the usual way, in his time, of beginning a flirtation with a young person to whom one has not been introduced. Did Habrocomas suggest that Anthia might see the ceremony better if she stood a little on this side? did he tread on the sandals of some stout Ephesian common-councillor, to make him move out of the way, or remove his stool—"for a lady, sir"—just as he was going to sit down? or did he venture to remark that it was very warm in such a crowd? or did he ask Anthia where she bought her fawn-skin? or did he quiz the other girls? or was he bashful,—which Mrs. Ellis says is always the way at first with genuine attachments,—and did he in that case confine himself to making friends with the dogs, which, indeed, would be a prudent thing to do in any case, seeing that people then wore no trousers, and presented, in respect of their calves, a terrible easy prey? On these points we have no information; but from the perturbed state in which both parties passed the night, it is to be inferred that neither had had the courage to say any thing. Habrocomas, who had now no further thought of resistance to the God of Love, did not see his way to making acquaintance; and Anthia was miserable, because, though dreadfully handsome, he seemed so proud. They both went to the temple the next day, when Habrocomas poured out his soul in loud and lamentable prayers, which set Anthia's mind at rest about his feelings; but she immediately discovered a fresh source of torment in the way the other women looked at him, fancying, of course, that he could not help being attracted by some of them. Both the lovers soon carried their passion to such a pitch that they became quite ill, and their respective parents could not think (they never can) what was the matter. Anthia's papa and mamma sent for several priests; but as it never occurred to her to tell these reverend persons that she was merely dying for a handsome young man, of course they went away as wise as they came. A somewhat similar process having been tried in the case of Habrocomas with a similar result, both families sent to consult the Oracle of Apollo at Colophon, requesting particularly that the god would give them "a true answer," which, we should say, conveyed a shocking insult, as implying that he sometimes told fibs,—but then the ancients were not so nice as we are about these imputations. He returned nine indifferent Greek verses, to the effect that the remedy was to be sought in the same quarter as the disease; that both parties had a good deal of trouble before them; that their "destiny'—like that of a more recently celebrated pair of lovers—would in great measure "hang by boats;" that a tomb and a fire would be their nuptial couch; and that all would come right at the Temple of Isis in Egypt. The anxious parents then understood the state of affairs, and married the couple out of hand. The wedding was splendid, and the nuptial chamber was ornamented with beautiful paintings,—Venus sat attended by Cupids, who rode on the backs of sparrows, while before Mars, crowned with the garland of peace, Love himself walked, with a lamp in his hand, to guide his footsteps[9] to the chamber of his mistress.
        It was not till the doors were shut, and the hymeneal song died away as the chorus receded through the house, that the bride and bridegroom regained their faculty of speech. Habrocomas said nothing worth recording, except that he congratulated Anthia on being "properly married" to the man she happened to be in love with, which shows that the idea expressed in the well-known lines of Shakespeare was then a recognised truth. Anthia gently reproached him for having been so long falling in love. She knew how unhappy he must have been when he had done so, from what she had suffered herself. She kissed his eyes, which had first wounded her by their brightness, and then thanked them for having conveyed her image to the soul of her lover, and told them she hoped they would never show her husband any woman whom he could think more beautiful than herself. Nothing could be more happy than the lovers, both then and for some time afterwards: they were so absorbed in each other, that they forgot all about the Oracle; but their parents, who seem to have thought that Fate might be propitiated by meeting it half-way, determined to send them to travel in Egypt under the care of a tutor (!), and attended by a valet and a maid, called Leucon and Rhoda. Habrocomas and his young wile were very miserable at leaving home, and did nothing for the first day or two but kiss each other, and swear eternal fidelity in case of separation. After a short voyage they touched at the island of Rhodes, where they offered, in the Temple of the Sun, a golden suit of armour, with an inscription stating the names and country of the donors. Their misfortunes now began. Soon after setting sail again they were becalmed, and the sailors, having nothing to do, took to drinking, and left the vessel unguarded. Habrocomas dreamt that the ship was burnt, and that he and Anthia swam away from it; and the dream was not long coming true, for the next day some pirates took advantage of the calm to creep up to the ship and board her. Nobody thought of making any resistance, and Habrocomas and Anthia fell at their feet, imploring them to take their money and spare their life,[10] sell them for slaves, any thing, provided they sold them both to the same master. The scene was horrible and heartrending; part of the sailors were left behind in the burning ship, while those who were carried away congratulated them on dying before becoming slaves.[11] The unfortunate tutor threw himself into sea, and his pupil tried to induce the pirates to stop and take him in; but they paid no attention to either, and the tutor was consequently drowned. The pirates sailed away with Habrocomas and his wife to Tyre, where the latter, as was to be expected, excited the cupidity of the pirate-captain, who, finding that his own suit made little progress, sent a friend to Habrocomas to point out to him that he had better, under the circumstances, make up his mind to part with her. What did such a very young man want with a lady at all? Certainly, when a married gentleman is found travelling in statu pupillari, pirates, whose perceptions are coarse, may be excused for thinking that he is scarcely old enough to be trusted with either wife or property. The negotiation, however, was cut short by the arrival of the pirate's employer, Absyrtus, who took a purely commercial view of the two well-looking captives, and sent them and their attendants to his house, to be kept there till he could find good purchasers. But Absyrtus had a daughter named Manto, who immediately fell in love with Habrocomas, and told Rhoda to make the requisite proposals. Rhoda consulted her fellow-servant (and lover), Leucon, who took the message, and advised compliance; and Anthia gave the same counsel, because she thought it would save the life of her husband. "I will go away somewhere," she said, "and kill myself; all I ask is, that you will kiss me when I am dead, bury me, and never forget Anthia." Manto, impatient of delay, sent a letter signed with her name to Habrocomas, to the same effect as her message, which he answered with as much indignation as Don Juan showed in his interview with Gulleyaz:

                                "Love is for the free.
                I am not dazzled by this splendid roof:
                        Whate'er thy power, and great it seems to be,
                Heads bow, knees bend, eyes watch around a throne,
                And hands obey,—our hearts are still our own."

Manto was as much annoyed as Gulleyaz; but she did not show so much knowledge of human nature. Perhaps, if she had sent for Habrocomas and burst into tears, Anthia might have acquired cause for jealousy; but she only got in a rage, and complained to her father in the manner in which the spouse of Potiphar complained of Joseph. He believed her; flogged the presumptuous youth, and put him in prison, where Anthia sometimes managed to pay him a visit and keep up his spirits. Absyrtus had brought home a husband for his daughter, and on her marriage and departure for Syria he made her a present of Anthia, Leucon, and Rhoda as slaves. Manto's first act on reaching her new abode was to sell Leucon and Rhoda to a man who lived at Xanthus, and to marry Anthia to a goatherd, named Mœris, out of revenge; but Aunthia, by telling him her sad story, persuaded him to remain only a husband in name. In the mean time Absyrtus happened to find the letter which Manto had sent to Habrocomas, and at once atoned for his injustice by giving him a high post in his household. Manto's troubles were not over; for her husband happened to observe the goatherd's supposed wife, and became enamoured of her. Mœris told Manto of this, who ordered him to kill Anthia, which she thought he did; but he only sold her to some merchants, who, sailing away with her, were the same night wrecked on an unknown coast, and fell into the hands of robbers, commanded by a captain named Hippothous. In the mean time Manto wrote to her father to complain of her husband's conduct, and stated that she had sold the cause of it to some people trading to Syria; news which, coming to the ears of Habrocomas, caused him to throw up his appointment, and set off in quest of his wife. She was just then about to be sacrificed by her captors, by being bound to a tree, and having spears thrown at her; but just as this amusement was commencing, Perilaus, a magistrate of Tarsus, made a descent upon the band, and destroyed all of them except Hippothous. Perilaus, like every one else, fell in love with Anthia, and wished to marry her. She did not disclose her history; but in the hope, we suppose, that "something might turn up," asked and obtained a month's grace before being led to the altar. The escaped Hippothous went into Cilicia, where he met and "fraternized" with Habrocomas, and a comparison of notes having shown that Anthia was the person he had nearly slaughtered, they both determined to go afresh in search of her. She, in the mean time, was approaching the day fixed for her marriage with Perilaus, but resolved to die rather than suffer it to take place. At this juncture, an Ephesian physician came, in the course of his travels, to Tarsus, and was introduced to her. Being, like Juliet's apothecary, in a needy condition, he took a heavy bribe to supply her with poison. The wedding was performed; but the moment the bride retired to her chamber, she sent for a glass of water, and swallowed the draught. Perilaus entered to find her lifeless, gave her a magnificent funeral, and placed the body in a large tomb outside the city. What the physician had given her turned out to be only a sleeping potion. She woke in the tomb; but had scarcely regained her senses, before she fell into the hands of a band of robbers, who had come to plunder the offerings. Willing enough to die, she was forced to live, and was carried off to Alexandria, and sold to a rich Indian traveller named Psammis, from whose violence she saved herself by pretending to be sacred to Isis, but was nevertheless kept in custody by him. Habrocomas heard the story of the marriage and the death, and followed the track to Egypt. There he was taken captive, and bought by a man named Araxus, whose wife immediately conceived a criminal passion for him, and proposed to kill her husband in order to marry him. Habrocomas, whose morality seems to have been confined to the sole virtue of conjugal fidelity, made no opposition to the first part of the scheme; but as soon as it was completed left the house in disgust, upon which the widow naturally denounced him as the murderer, and got him placed in prison.
        Hippothous now thought of resuming his old trade, and with this view betook himself to Æthiopia, where he established himself with some followers in a range of hills convenient to a frequented caravan-track. About the same time Habrocomas suffered the extreme penalty of the law for the murder of Araxus, by being crucified on the bank of the Nile. The cross, however, was blown down into the stream, and floated with its burden to the mouth, where the unfortunate man was caught again, and brought before the Viceroy of Egypt, who ordered him to be burnt. He ascended the pile, which was lighted, and began to blaze, when a sudden rising of the Nile extinguished it. The viceroy was so much struck by this prodigy that he remanded Habrocomas to prison, pending further inquiries as to who he was, and why he should be the object of such care on the part of the gods. In the mean time Psammis, accompanied by Anthia, travelled to Æthiopia, where he was attacked and killed by the followers of Hippothous, who took possession of his whole train and baggage; but neither Anthia nor the bandit recognised each other, and she pretended to be an Egyptian named Memphitis. Habrocomas was soon afterwards released, the truth about the murder of Araxus being discovered, and set off again upon his search. He of course took the wrong direction, and stayed a long time at Syracuse with an old fisherman named Aegialeus, whose peculiar taste was to keep his wife, long since dead, in an embalmed state in his chamber, where he said he found the contemplation of her wonderfully refreshing after a hard day's work in his boat.
        Returning to the fortunes of Anthia, we hear that she had her usual ill-luck in attracting the attentions of one of Hippothous's followers, which, during the absence of the rest, one day assumed so marked a character, that she found herself obliged to put an end to him. Hippothous was very angry when he returned, and punished Anthia by burying her alive in a pit with two fierce dogs, and placing Amphinomus, one of his men, as a guard. Amphinomus, however, took pity on her, and put down through a hole bread enough to feed her and the dogs as well, so that it did not occur to them to eat their companion; and on Hippothous preparing to quit Aithiopia, which had grown too narrow a field for his predatory ambition, he took her out altogether, and carried her to Coptus. But the authorities were determined to root out Hippothous and his bandits before they did further mischief, and Polyidus, an active magistrate, headed a successful descent upon them. Some of the prisoners happened to see Amphinomus in a village they were passing, and pointed him out as having been one of their number: both he and Anthia were seized, and Polyidus, though a married man, made the proposals to which she, by this time, must have been tolerably well accustomed. At Memphis she found herself in considerable peril, and took refuge in the Temple of Isis. Polyidus, then for the first time hearing her story, compassionated her, and promised to offer her no further molestation; and she was still more comforted by a response from the Oracle that she should soon see her husband again. She had not counted on female jealousy; for the wife of Polyidus, hearing of his apparent intimacy with his fair captive, had her cruelly beaten, and then sent her to Tarentum, to be sold to a pandar. She ran great risk again on this occasion; but pretending to have fits, was put up to sale, and eventually purchased by Hippothous, who had in the interim married and buried an heiress, and was now spending his fortune in buying any pretty thing that took his fancy. He had recognised her, and, on becoming her owner, acted like most of the other men she had met with. On hearing her story, however, and finding her to be the wife of his dearest friend, he treated her thenceforth with the greatest respect.
        Habrocomas, who had left the Syracusan fisherman, and had been wandering about Italy, now turned his course homewards, and in his progress reached Rhodes. Alone, miserable, and in want of the necessaries of life, he could not help contrasting his present condition with that which he enjoyed on his former visit to the island. He walked into the Temple of the Sun, where his own offering still remained; but near it was a gift from Leucon and Rhoda, who had settled in the place long before, and had become their master's heirs, with an inscription relating to the lost Anthia and Habrocomas. While he was looking at it, Leucon and Rhoda themselves came in, and observed with surprise a stranger gazing intently on the two offerings. Their question produced recognition and disclosure of his name, and they received their former master hospitably, intending to do all they could to further his views.
        Hippothous, in the mean time, thought the best thing he could do was to take Anthia home. But on his way he also touched at Rhodes. Anthia, struck by the contrast of present grief and former joy, cut off a lock of her hair, and left it as an offering to the Sun, with an inscription mentioning, as was usual, the donor's name. It would have been too perverse a trick for Fortune to separate the two again, now that the "magic music" of circumstances was playing so very rapidly. Anthia, who had meant to leave the next day, was detained by a storm, and was found by Leucon and Rhoda in the temple, who soon brought Habrocomas to her. The news spread, and the Rhodians, who had a lively recollection of their previous visit, crowded to see the meeting. When it was over, the whole party, including Hippothous, set sail for Ephesus. Every body's parents were dead, and Habrocomas and Anthia found a handsome fortune waiting for them, which they shared with their three companions; and all lived together in great comfort and harmony for the rest of their lives.
        This story is less known than some of which we shall give an account in a future Paper; but it has been generally admired by those who have read it. Some passages will be allowed to be pretty, and the description of the visit of Habrocomas to Rhodes on the second occasion is conceived quite in the spirit of a modern novel. The narrative is skilfully managed, and the absence of confusion where so many people are introduced is rather remarkable. Of the incidents, the most interesting to us is the one of the sleeping potion, though we really cannot say how many hands it passed through before it reached those of Shakespeare, nor whether Xenophon was the original author of it. There is something a little like it in the Babylonica; but there the sleep is due to accident, not to design. Character, in the sense in which we use the term of fictitious personages, neither of the lovers possess in the least degree; and we may warn the reader at once that this is not an article in which the Greek novelists deal largely. Their chief virtues are ingenuity of incident and occasional beauty of description; and for much more than this we must not look. We may remark some traces of Orientalism in the tale. The transfer of Anthia from one master to another, whose selfish motives are not developed at first, reminds us of a story told by Mr. Lane in one of the notes to his Arabian Nights. A man one day came to the Caliph Moawiyah to complain that he had been deprived of his wife. He had become poor through a bad season, and her father had taken her away from him. On his complaining to the governor of the district, he sent for the woman with the intention of restoring her, but found her so beautiful, that he determined to keep her himself. When the Caliph ordered him to give her up, he complied, but sent a letter predicting that the Caliph when he saw her would do exactly as he himself had done. Moawiyah did in fact make the attempt, but was just enough to give the woman her choice, who returned to her own husband. This kind of adventure is repeated to a great extent in the Greek novelists, though not quite in so piquant a form; and in the tales of Heliodorus, Longus, and Achilles Tatius, which we propose to take up in the next Paper, we shall have an opportunity of observing it.



        1. The penultimate syllable of his name is long, being derived from Iamlêk, a name which occurs in 1 Chron. iv. 34, among the posterity of Simeon.
        2. We have not seen the "new one of some length" which the writer of the article "Iamblichus" in Dr. Smith's Dictionary states to have been discovered by Mai. Our opinion is based on the researches and reasonings of Chardon de la Rochette, who appears to have examined the question with much care. The fragment he gives is descriptive of a royal procession at Babylon, and contains nothing to connect it with any part of the story which Photius epitomises.
        3. Wirkung in die Ferne (influence at a distance). At a court banquet, a girl happens to throw some wine over her dress, and runs off to change it. At the same time the queen sends her page (who happens te be the maiden's lover) for her purse. The pair meet in one of the passages, and exchange a kiss, which leaves a ruddy mark on the youth's countenance. The queen draws attention to the remarkable fact, that a cup of wine spilt in the banquet-hall should have had power to stain something at the other end of the palace.
        4. This part of the story is rather obscurely told by Photius.
        5. Or thirty-ninth, according to some authorities.
        6. Γοργός is the Greek word. It generally means "fierce," but seems to be used here in the sense in which Xenophon the historian (whose style this one is said to have imitated) applies it to horses.
        7. Those who have been fortunate enough to see Miss Herbert in the burlesque of Endymion will be able to realise this picture.
        8. Mr. Hirschig, whose Latin translation is not of the most polished, has translated the words [GREEK] by "corporis partes inspiciendas nudavit," a bit of coarseness we do not find in the two former and better editors, Locella and Peerlkamp. They add, "quas honeste potuit," or some similar phrase, which makes all the difference.
        9. This passage may possibly have suggested the pretty lines which Jortin, or some other modern scholar, passed off as part of an ancient inscription:
                "Te sequar obscurum per iter: dux ibit eunti
                        Fidus amor, tenebras lampade discutiens."
        And the latter may be the original of a striking couplet of Heber's, in one of his sacred poems.         10. [GREEK] Vacation tourists, who explore the classic sites of Acarnania, may find the formula useful. The modern Greek mode of deprecation is probably to be had at the office of our contemporary the [GREEK].
        11. Xenophon here imitates a passage of Virgil, En. iii. 321, where Andromache, when Æneas finds her living with Pyrrhus at Buthrotum, avoids a direct answer to his questions by exclaiming how much Polyxena was to be envied, who died at Troy, and never passed into the hands of a master. It was all very well for Andromache to say this to Æneas years afterwards; but Virgil would scarcely have represented her as making such a speech at the actual moment of the sacrifice. Nothing, therefore, can be more tasteless than Xenophon's adoption of the idea under the existing circumstances. He is not, however, generally chargeable with similar want of judgment.

Fenimore Cooper

Originally published in Ainsworth's Magazine: A Miscellany of Romance (Chapman and Hall) vol.4 #23 (Dec 1843).


The want of some just and liberal measure of international copyright has been severely felt on this side the Atlantic, but with what grievous and almost crushing effects has it been attended in America! To be sure, the American publishers had no particular reason to complain; nor did it appear to a cursory observer, that the American "reading public" were labouring under any intolerable grievance, so long as they could purchase in the broad daylight the masterpieces of modern literature as soon as they could be torn from the press, at the mere price of paper and print;—though it would be very easy to shew that in the progress of years both seller and purchaser must be vitally and inevitably injured by the apparent or temporary benefit. But the American Author—how fared he, in the face of the giant evil!
        Writers in other countries could suffer but little by the want of a wiser international arrangement. Even in France and Germany, native authors could of course command patronage and purchasers, unaffected, comparatively, by any extent to which the tide of English publication might set in, whether a popular work happened to be merely reprinted amongst them, or produced in a translated form. But it was and is far otherwise in the United States, when a native and an English author of equal merit are competitors. Of two equal stories in the same language, the American's must of course be rejected, because the Englishman's may be had for nothing.
        Grievous beyond doubt has been the operation of the system, or want of system, upon the interests of authors and publishers here, who have in a thousand instances seen their fair and just hopes of profit and reward struck down, by the introduction of foreign-reprints at home, and the total destruction of their sale throughout that immense region of readers, called the British possessions abroad! But worse than this, bad as it was, has happened to the ill-fated and utterly uncared-for American author; for while the popular historian, novelist, or poet in this country could still boast of having his "public" to appeal to, and count securely upon his purchasers, however reduced by these nibbling narrowing influences, the man of genius, of whatever class, in America, had no public of any kind or quality to boast—no readers to reckon upon—for in what Fool's Paradise was he to dig for a publisher! He might as well go into the woods and beat about for a phœnix!
        What, indeed, can be said to justify—what advanced in the way of parallel to, a state of things, under which a writer possessed of the great original power, the attractive talents, and proportioned celebrity that distinguish Fenimore Cooper, is compelled to seek in a country not his own, the fair meed of his literary labour! London gives him hundreds for his manuscript, and New York buys his printed work for a guinea, and reprints it.
        England, however, owes more to Mr. Cooper than he can ever owe to her. He has associated his name with our land's language; he has familiarized us with the unknown; he has brought the far-off close to us as are our very homes; he has carried us where no author in any age or of any class ever carried-us before. There is this peculiarity in the writings of Cooper—and a charm lies in the peculiarity, an element of power quite unconnected with the indisputable talent he possesses—that the ground he occupies in most of his leading works is new, the scenes are painted for the first time, the agents are for the most part strangers; for if we ransacked all European literature we should find nothing bearing resemblance to them—and yet we instantly recognise what people (out of America, too) pleasantly call their "naturalness"—we at once feel them to be true.
        Of course we are not now speaking of his sea-scenes, but his forestscenes. What a fairy-land have these been to thousands! What dreams made real—dreams of marvels previously unimagined, and else inconceivable!
        It is long since Cooper's earliest tales became known in this country—long even since they became familiar to readers of all ranks. Amidst the wide working of the potent and wondrous spells of Scott, whose current of popularity was all but sufficient—

"To kill the flock of all affections else,"

the stranger stood forth and found a willing audience. At his very first advance, he manifested the power to startle and impress. In the teeth of political prejudice in some quarters, and critical prejudice in others—in opposition to the ruling taste, and prepossessions the most widely diffused and powerful—he took hosts of readers captive, and at once marked them for his own. He established himself as a writer, who where he was heard once, would be pretty sure to be heard twice. He had something to say, and besides that, he had a manner of his own in saying it. People might dislike, might misunderstand, his works, but they could not treat them with indifference. They were never common-places in what they included, if the outline or even the general substance were little better. Good or bad, they were not to be laid down, dismissed, forgotten. With all their weaknesses, there was sure to be an effect somewhere, whose influence was to be an existence for life among the reader's literary recollections. He won his position, then, and he has held his footing.
        When we say that these permanent influences belong to his earliest writings, it is of course because we rank these with his best. The "Pilot," and the "Red Rover," are tales never read without excitement, or remembered without, pleasure. The author is, as much as any man, at home on the sea; his ships are not as painted ships

"Upon a painted ocean;"

nevertheless, there is much in these stories that might be cheerfully spared, for either the strength of one portion of the book makes the rest feeble, or the author quitting the sea for the land, gets really out of his element. With one set of characters we are breathing fresh air in company with old Nature herself, and with another we are choked up in,a theatre, where "nothing is but what is not;" seeing a play, and not a good one. To this class belongs a later production, the "Water Witch," which, though less striking in its purposes and interest, has its masterly scenes, but weakened by frequent repetition in spite of the great skill with which this is managed.
        An instance, moreover, of the fire and animation which Cooper is sure to feel when he once gets afloat, of the living effect which he can give to water even though it flow but in a canal, is seen in that bold vigorous Venetian boat-race with which the "Bravo" breaks upon us so dashingly. Many years have passed since that picture was presented to the imagination, but there it is still, associated in its degree with proud and high reminiscences of Venice; remembered and kept before the mind's eye, as we remember the contest of the famous bowmen, Locksley and Hubert—the colloquy between the immortal Vicar and Mr. Jenkinson—or anything else equally unlike, so that it be equally true.
        The "Spy" is another of the tales which, at whatever age they may be read, make an impression not easily worn out. With younger and more impressible readers, the perusal of it is an event;—so strange, various, contradictory, but absorbing, is the interest of character belonging to it. It is written on the author's favourite plan, of protracting and reserving while he may, and then plunging to his effect. The character of Harvey Birch is brought out, as Birch himself would manage an escape, when eyes which must be deceived in spite of their vigilance are upon him—slow riding at first, as though nothing was intended, a quicker pace insensibly as danger thickens, till the critical moment comes and concealment is impossible—then, "off" is the word. The effect of the "Spy" depends upon the closing pages; it is comparatively flat as we thread the mazy paths that lead us there. The repulsiveness created by the spy himself gradually lessens, curiosity and admiration as slowly increase, until the final revelation in the scene with Washington comes—than which we know of few things more impressive or affecting.
        When the poor, despised, baited, trampled man—the seeming spy of the enemy, whom a thief at the gallows-tree would have scorned—the hunted wretch, who, in his disinterested love of country, has met dangers and endured ignominies unspeakable—is recognised by the illustrious leader as a friend to the liberties of America—as an incorruptible, a noble-minded patriot, who must be contented to bear the brand of a foe to all he holds dear lest living interests should be compromised—we see a picture which renders this extraordinary character a treasured recollection.
        But above all that is best of this author's delineations, his vivid, romantic, and yet truth-stamped pictures of sea-life or land-life, most readers will place his portraitures of Indian character, and his expositions of life under many varying circumstances of interest, in the vast wilds and desert regions of America. In the trackless prairie and the interminable forest, Cooper seems to have an elasticity of existence, a sense and knowledge of life, a fertility of resources and expedients, that render him a sort of literary representative of the imperishable Leatherstocking himself; and had his contribution to the stock of human pleasure been confined solely to bis creation of this curious and inimitable character, worked out as it is, with unfaltering power, through five successive tales, he would still have "said his say," and won the kindly and grateful respect of more than one country.
        The mere extent to which this character is drawn out, renders it a literary curiosity. There is scarcely an instance of a conception being so fully sustained under the circumstances which have governed the completion of this portraiture—this om of a life from youth to age, composed so disjointedly, yet finished with such harmonious relationship in all its parts. No character, perhaps, was ever so much tried, without wearing out the interest it at first created. No writer could run a greater risk, in the attempt to add to such strength, of weakening and crippling it. But "La Longue Carabine" sprang from a brain that was conscious of its strength,

"And saw as from a tower the end of all."

It did seem dangerous to meddle with Him of the renowned Rifle; to conduct him into other times and scenes, and force a comparison with those wanderings and adventures with Uncas and Chingagook, in which such unrivalled powers of stimulating curiosity and protracting excitement are displayed. Yet what a new exhibition of the same faculty interests and enchains us in the delineation of the old Trapper; and how the reality grows upon us, as the years roll over him, and we see the self-same being, under different modifications of his intelligence and experience, moving amidst the immeasurable prairie, and, when the mighty waste is all one flame, combating the terrific agency of fire by turning it against itself. Over and over again may these narratives of forest adventure be read, and the scenes are as vivid as at first, and the Trapper never grows tedious.
        More daring still was it (but none will regret the daring) to depict, in recent years, the youth of a character so established in the partiality of all readers; and to carry us back, as in the "Deerslayer," to those early times when the heart of the simple, honest creature was fiercely attacked by desperate beauty, he in his exquisite modesty unconscious all the time of his conquest—when, too, his famous rifle first came into effective play against a savage of a rare sort, winning for its hopeful master the designation of Hawkeye. The "Pathfinder" followed, and worked out other essential points of a character, so powerfully conceived, and finished with such mastery of hand, as to be attractive in every stage of its history.
        Some one has said that the creation of "Uncle Toby" was the finest compliment ever paid to human nature. Compliments to our poor clay, quite as fine, to say the least, are to be found out of Sterne's once over-estimated writings; to our mind, La Longue Carabine figures in the select list.
        The portraitures of Indian character have doubtless all the leading lines of fidelity; truth seems everywhere to regulate the drawing; and they are filled up with unfailing power. We never see, as in Cooper's pictures of common people in cities, and soldiers on their march, signs of the weak hand and the unnoting eye. He himself seems Indian when painting Indians. The instances are numerous. The general features of the tribes he has introduced are strongly marked, and the individual characteristics are ably discriminated. There is a fine fire-eyed young savage, whom we remember in "The Borderers,"—he calls to mind the acting of Kean. Of Uncas and his silent heart-buried passion it is unnecessary to speak; he stands out brightly in the collection. While border-life, savage manners and habits, the "sands and shores and desert wildernesses," retain an interest, Cooper's tales will not be read without a charm.
        We now take up the latest addition to the American novelist's long list—"Wyandotté; or, the Hutted Knoll."
        A short account of this must suffice. It is the history of the sufferings of a family settled on the borders, at the outbreak of the Revolution. The head of it, Captain Willoughby, had served in the king's army, until approaching age and other considerations warned him to collect his worldly means, and secure a promising settlement about one day's march from Susquehannah. After toiling through a full share of the difficulties attendant upon such a step, and just as he is beginning to feel at home, surrounded by an attached family, the Revolution begins. His son is in the army, a gallant, rising soldier, steadfast to his colours; but the father grows argumentative, and wavers between freedom to America and fidelity to England. Hence an interest arises, which is heightened hourly as the war spreads, and apprehensions of danger from the Indians and the lawless adventurers, set in motion by the turbulence of the time, begin to prevail. The "Hutted Knoll," so is the imperfectly-fortified place called, becomes the object of attack, by a mingled troop of red-skins, and painted whites more barbarous still. A large portion of the work discusses the preparations for the siege, the conflicting feelings of the family and their few dependents, the stratagems employed on both sides, and the hair-breadth escapes and romantic adventures of the chief persons of the story. The end is tragic; death sweeping away most of the actors, and leaving a solitary marriage, like a flower, blossoming above the grave.
        As in many of his former works, the author takes his time before he throws in his interest. He suffers our feelings to lie fallow, and then to be sure we have a fair crop of emotion. The power he has so often displayed of concentrating his force upon one spot, and working excitement by dint of going doggedly into details which seem of minor importance, and are often tedious, until the catastrophe shoots up, like a pyramid from a broad naked level, he has employed here, and with effect. It is unfair to complain that much of the narrative is dull, when the dullness is a necessary step to the excitement; but however essential to the plan, it may not the less be felt sometimes.
        There are two female figures charmingly drawn; one is Willoughby's daughter, who marries, and dies most needlessly; the other, Maud, a frank, beautiful, impassioned girl, who is his daughter in all but birth, and a fond and ardently loving sister to his son, until, on the eve of womanhood, an instinct of her sex reminds her that there is no relationship, and another kind of love brings alternately shadow and sunshine across her path. The son shares this feeling, and a love-conflict, delicately managed, gives rise to several touching scenes, which terminate happily at the altar.
        Wyandotté himself is a character peculiarly the author's own. He is a sort of half-outcast from the Indians, a "Tuscarora," who had attached himself to the whites, acquired the soubriquet of Saucy Nick, picked up their language, and blended a hundred bad qualities with many good ones. As Saucy Nick, he had been flogged by his military master; but he continues in his service, cherishing revenge, and bethinking him that he is a great chief though degenerate, until by degrees he abandons to some extent his depraved and rum-drinking habits. It is at this period, that Willoughby, when in great danger, and exasperated by the desertion of some of his people, threatens him again with the lash. The Indian's back, as the threat is uttered, seems to feel the old wounds; and the desire of revenge burns into his heart:—

        "'Listen,' said the Indian, sternly. 'Cap'in ole man. Got a head like snow on rock. He bold soldier; but he no got wisdom enough for gray hair. Why he put he hand rough on place where whip strike? Wise man nebber do dat. Last winter he cold; fire wanted to make him warm. Much ice, much storm, much snow. World seem bad—fit only for bear, and snake, dat hide in rock. Well; winter gone away; ice gone away; snow gone away; storm gone away. Summer come in his place. Ebbery ting good; ebbery t'ing pleasant. Why tink of winter when summer come, and drive him away wid pleasant sky?'"

        The Captain replies to this:—

        "'In order to provide for its return. He who never thought of the evil day in the hour of his prosperity, would find that he has forgotten, not only a duty, but the course of wisdom.'"
        "'He not wise!' said Nick, sternly. 'Cap'in pale-face chief. He got garrison; got soldier; got musket. Well, he flog warrior's back; make blood come. Dat bad enough; worse to put finger on ole sore, and make 'e pain, and 'e shame, come back ag'in.'"

        Wyandotté is important to the Captain; he can give information, but is distrusted—yet he tells truth. His replies are characteristic:—

        "'Answer the questions in the order in which I put them.'
        "'Wyandotté not newspaper to tell ebbery t'ing at once. Let cap'in talk like one chief speaking to anoder.'
        "'Then, tell me first what you know of this party at the mill. Are there many pale-faces in it?'
        "'Put em in the river,' answered the Indian, sententiously; 'water tell the trut'.'
        "'You think that there are many among them that would wash white ?'"

        Distrust of the Indian continues, in spite of many tokens of devotion, and of feelings the most grateful and refined, evinced towards the ladies of the party—indeed to all who use him kindly. There is a delicacy in his conduct that justifies even the appellation by which the author characterizes him, "this forest gentleman." But Captain Willoughby has a too vivid sense of the man's failings and degradation; he threatens him with flogging once more; and the forest gentleman, amidst a thousand proofs of gratitude and affection for the family, decoys the head of it into the woods, and avenges himself by a most deliberate assassination. "The old sores smarted."
        After the commission of this cold-blooded murder, we have some difficulty in reconciling ourselves to the friendly offices of the savage towards the wife and children, and in appreciating his delicacy and refinements. Yet we must hold steadily the thread whose windings lead us into the recesses of the Indian nature, and we may find consistency in his desire to soften the blow to his favourite, the innocent Maud, who is not the daughter of Willoughby, whom he has murdered.

        "'QOh! is it so, Nick!—can it be so?' she said; 'my father has fallen in this dreadful business?'
        "'Fader kill twenty year ago; tell you dat how often?' answered the Tuscarora, angrily; for in his anxiety to lessen the shock to Maud, for whom this wayward savage had a strange sentiment of affection that had grown out of her gentle kindnesses to himself on a hundred occasions, he fancied, if she knew that Captain Willoughby was not actually her father, her grief at his loss would be less. 'Why you call dis fader, when dat fader. Nick know fader and moder. Major no broder.'"

        And there is a touch of consummate art in the Indian afterwards. Though he has so recently urged Maud's want of natural affinity to the family as a reason why she should not grieve, he reminds her of the imaginary connexion, when proposing to effect the release of her lover (the Major, who has been taken prisoner) and to engage her in the attempt. Understanding a woman's feelings, he omits the word lover:—

        "'Come wid Wyandotté—he great chief—shew young squau where to find broder.'"

        The great chief Wyandotté is converted to Christianity and dies forgiven—a fate with which the author might have been content, without throwing in a reflection which seems to aim at discovering some palliation of the most monstrous crime, in the usages of a portion of civilized society. We are sorry to quote what follows:—

        "Let not the self-styled Christians of civilized society affect horror at this instance of savage justice, so long as they go the whole length of the law of their several communities in avenging their own fancied wrongs, using the dagger of calumny instead of the scalping-knife, and rending and tearing their victims by the agency of gold and power, like so many beasts of the field, in all the forms and modes that legal vindictiveness will either justify or tolerate, often exceeding those broad limits, indeed, and seeking impunity behind perjuries and frauds."

        We admire Mr. Cooper's talents, and we can enter into his feeling of impatient indignation at calumny and wrong; but the phrase, "savage justice," should never have been written; nor has any man a right to charge any order of civilized society with "affecting horror" of the foulest crime known to it.
        For the rest, we wish him health and honour always.

Giotto

1272—1336.
Heads of SS. John and Paul.
Room XVII., No. 276.

Originally published in The Century Guild Hobby Horse (Kegan Paul, Trench and Co.) vol.1 #1 (Apr 1886).


We now come to a time when, who will, may freely court the Muse. Even Tuscan shepherd-boys can turn to painting the lives of those that shepherd flocks of men. And with what earnestness do they seek to portray these apostles of an "idea"—a creed that is felt verily to be the people's "heart-influence." Look upon this fragment:[1] blackened and burnt though it be, we see through its strong but fire-fouled lines the presence of a mighty yet tender soul: one trained in boyhood to be gentle by tending and bold in defence of the sheepfold.
        From this fragment before us, we see how great has been the advance of pictorial skill in a single generation. For what individuality of vision is there here; and, combined with it, how great dramatic power of presentation: a power such as makes Cimabue's work appear archaic beside it. Yet in this we miss the quiet lyrical beauty that gives such poetic and lasting interest to Cimabue's conceptions. The animal vigour and practical energy that characterizes Giotto, overwhelm the more sensitive and far-reaching qualities of the poetic nature. Full of sentiment is this work: but sentiment of a dramatic kind, to the full expression of which, the painter has firmly fashioned every line; and the restless ocean has not more sharply defined limit than has each mass of flowing hair and robe, boundaries which it may not pass. Considering how lately art was the slave of theological rule and the handicraft of an hereditary caste, we wonder when looking upon this at its directness of portrayal, and at its spontaneity of execution. The artist—self elect; free alike to choose his aim and means, can now have larger outlook on the world: he is freer to deal with the facts of life, as he, a single soul, may see them : as he, a single soul, may know them. Experience has at length taught man that the unseen soul's presence is to be traced here and there as it registers its revolution through its fleshly orbit, by the body's bowing down to prayer, and in its rising up for praise. Moreover, the artist is now well aware that if this spiritual energy is to be expressed, the telling features and speaking gestures of man must be exactly observed, and no less faithfully rendered.
        Thus we behold in the twilight of this art the dawn of the renascent school: so dramatic in its character. For this strong setting of the features: this fast clenching of the hands: this flowing of the hair, tell us Giotto has studied, and for dramatic purpose, the eloquence of the emotions. And yet had he not by his own strong nature so far freed himself from the then accepted conventionalities of art, as to allow him free power of individual observation, watching closely the birth and death of passion upon the face of feature's world, he could never have made the advance he did, and so presented as he has in his best-known frescoes the tenderest scenes in the drama of human life. But, though Giotto was a great power in himself, the circumstances and larger mental condition of the time materially helped to initiate this new departure. New subjects, akin to the wider social sympathies; themes, never before treated by the painter were now demanded, thus necessitating originality of treatment. Subjects from the new phases of life, either monastic, political, or scholastic, were now asked for, each contributing some novel interest that called for forcible, didactic, and dramatic illustration. Portraiture naturally became now a necessity, since the chief interest of these new movements centred round some knightly or priestly personality. The "Death of St. Francis," which Giotto was commissioned to paint for the Franciscan order, was chief among these in contributing new subject-matter to the artist.
        However, much as these novel circumstances assisted Giotto, this man was fashioned from the beginning to be an artist: a man to look upon the world from a higher vantage ground than his fellows, as his work and these two equally creditable stories of his origin assure us.
        The one story of his birth into art tells us how Cimabue, when walking in the fields of Vespignano, came upon the shepherd boy whom he found scratching upon a slate the form of some pet in his flock. And from the sheepfold,[2] Cimabue took the stripling, to shepherd men and mirror the periods and the passions of man's life.
        Another story tells us how the boy, when apprenticed by his father to a wool-merchant, was in the habit of stopping on his weary way to the hated office before Cimabue's shop, daily to feast his hungering eyes on the captivating works of the painter, and how one day making bold to enter, remained all day with Cimabue, to whom in course of time Giotto's father was bound to apprentice him.
        Yes: such was the simple origin of this Giotto who in later life was so marked a man, that we find him spoken of with great praise by both Danté and Petrarch. One of so ample a nature as to figure a familiar character in the novels of Boccaccio and Franco Sacchetti; one too, whose pungent wit lives in the records of Vasari. Strong, ready of hand and head, this burly peasant was a true man of the world, yet capable of seeing poetry in the simplest acts of life; religion, in the strict fulfilment of social claims. To him all life's contests and all earth's labours were canopied by a heaven of harmony and crowned by an equal calm. The first in order of agencies that unite men and call them to hear the voice of God, are the arts and through them the sciences. It is only after having gone through that severe training which the practice of the arts and the culture of the sciences bestow, that man is able to raise himself into communion with the saints who sit for ever at the feet of the apostles and prophets. This, Giotto's experience so far taught him, that he sculptured round the base of his Belfry, the arts and sciences, putting over these the sacraments of the Church, which are beneath the feet of the prophets. Thus was consecrated in the Florentine mind as a calling to God, each industrial occupation and each scientific research. Again: so well balanced in mind was Giotto, and like Horace teaching in verse, virtue is the mean of extremes, that when painting the story of Saint Francis' life for the monks, lest his own conception of the influence of poverty should be inferred from that of the Franciscans, he writes a sonnet expressing his firm belief that voluntary poverty leads to sin as surely as does involuntary poverty, and like other extremes is tainted by some inherent evil.

                                    "I call it shame and ill
                To name as virtue that which stifles good."

                        . . . . . . "Let every edifice
                Of work or word secure foundation find."

To have been able to look across five hundred years into the face of such a hero of his day as was Giotto would indeed have been a privilege of our generation; but the portraits of the two close friends, Giotto and Danté, painted by the former in the chapel of the Podesta, Florence, were destroyed by fire; and we have but a fragment of a restored copy of Danté's head. However, all who have learned the a, b, c, of art, can read between the lines of this strong handwriting on the wall, and discern the character of him, who, taken from the sheepfold, became the ablest artificer of his day in all Christendom. Because mosaicist,[3] sculptor, and architect (his chef d'œuvre, the Bell-Tower at Florence), indeed because comprehending and executing all arts in his great grasping manhood, he was chosen by the Republic as superintendent of all edifices erected in the Commune, But the special qualities with which Giotto's name as a painter will be associated are those of masculine handling, a simplicity of mind, a largeness and directness of vision that at once harmonized and dignified the familiar incidents of common life he liked so well to introduce into his frescoes.[4] Thus time has marked him out from other men, not only as a great painter, but as a steady and independent thinker of rare practical ability. He, of all others, was most able to mark the current mind changes by signs of the times, significant enough to him. The Aristotelian philosophy was fast striking root in the public mind, and too abstract for any but the most cultured, it needed for its larger growth some concrete shape. The artists were at this time the most zealous students of Aristotle, most eager therefore to illustrate ideas that gave them such novel subjects for their brush. Soon then were walls frescoed with paintings embodying the types of moral and political science, forcibly illustrating on the one hand the benefits that are the legacy of good government, and on the other, the vices that hurry on the heels of tyranny. Thus art becomes now a powerful instrument in counselling rulers and a safe agent in teaching the people the limit and power of political government. Its social service is for the first time established, by setting before the people conditions of national prosperity, and types of personal character. Of these works, the chief were the frescoes of Giotto, both in the Arena Chapel, Padua, and in the palace of the Podesta, Florence. Then came the frescoes in the Spanish Chapel at Florence, by Simone di Martino, and by Taddeo Gaddi; lastly, those in the Town Hall of Siena, by Ambrogio Lorenzetti (1265-1338), perhaps the most mature and perfect of all.
        From this fragment then, and other works of Giotto, we see how eager this man is to recognize the reality of life, and catch its outward physiognomy—the first since the Greeks to dare look Nature full in the face—one whose strength of soul won him the friendship of Italy's greatest poet; one whose ability in art won him the art directorship of the most magnificent city in the world.
        Such was the universal enthusiasm for art during the dawn of this industrial epoch which produced Giotto, that at a time when the city was engaged in war after war with her neighbours, and when party strife between Pope and Emperor ran so high, the exile Dante dared not issue from his prison gates, Florence was producing her most splendid art, and this Giotto the artist allowed free pass, alike through friendly land and through the camp of foes.
        So dependent are the arts on the freedom that crowns industrial activity.



        1. This fragment is from frescoes illustrating the life of St. John, painted in his chapel at the Carmine Church, Florence. Other fragments, likewise preserved from the fire which destroyed this chapel, are to be found at Liverpool (in the Colquit Street Gallery) and at Pisa.
        2. The last man in whom the spirit of reform had been centred was Mohammed—himself a shepherd boy.
        3. The mosaic, "The Galilean Fishermen," over the west door of St. Peter's, Rome, is by Giotto.
        4. In these and other qualities we are reminded of one of our greatest painters, Forde Maddox Brown, who in so many ways may be not inaptly compared with Giotto.

Paris Universal Exhibition

by F.M.W. [Francis Morgan Whately].

Originally published in Belgravia (John Maxwell) vol.2 #6 (Apr 1867).


In common, I fear, with many of your readers, I enjoy that very doubtful blessing of being perfectly old enough to recollect the time when his Royal Highness Prince Albert, in 1851, started the idea of a material Peace Congress, to be held in London, and which, by a series of perverse accidents, almost marked the date of the rupture of a forty years' peace and the inauguration of a series of wars which will be barely ended when the International Exhibition opens on 1st April 1867 in the Champ de Mars. It is only another proof of the saying, L'homme propose, mais Dieu dispose; and poor Prince Albert's sparkling shrine of art and industry was scarcely less fragile than the profound and lasting peace it was to introduce.
        It may seem absurd to say it, but the mere proposal to open an Exhibition to which foreigners, especially French and Italians, were to be freely invited, caused quite a panic in the elderly circles of London. Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington, who really ruled the army and regulated to a great degree the state, was then alive—alive, but naturally sinking, after a life of unheard-of greatness and incredible work; and he was decidedly against the affair. "It was not an idea of his time." A lot of foreigners would get here, and who would answer for what they would do? Lax morality, revolutionary principles—nay, even an attack on God's regents on earth,—what might not be expected? Police! what use are they?
        Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?—who shall inspect the inspectors?
        Nothing could do but soldiers; and young readers in 1867 will scarcely credit that, "under the rose," military preparations on a large scale were made to meet that revolutionary outbreak which the wariest old man in England actually believed to be possible on that fine 1st of May 1851.
        Prince Albert introduced foreign Art into London, and the troops were under arms to receive her! A dubious compliment.
        I remember as well as possible not going to the opening. In those days the nil-admirari feeling raged, or was affected more than it was before or has been since.
        If we owe nothing else to the wars which succeeded the great Peace Conference of Hyde Park, we must at least credit them with the earnestness, hard-working life, and practical views which came in after the premature peace which terminated the Crimean war, just as England was beginning to show that she was still forged in the old metal. In 1851, however, a terrible spirit of apathy was abroad. Living in the most reckless, extravagant, and voluptuous manner, the young men of England were simply bored; their extravagance did not gratify them, their pleasures did not amuse them, nor their difficulties alarm them.
        "Go to see the thing in Hyde Park! No, thank you. Hate sights. Shall go and dine at Richmond. Nobody will be there."
        One idiot makes many—so I say. I distinctly remember mot assisting at the opening of that blessed-by-bishops ceremony. What we did do was this: we, having calmly breakfasted in the great neighbourhood of Belgravia, tried to get to St. James's-street; we were, however, brought up short opposite Buckingham Palace by the 1st Life-guards, who were keeping the ground there. Having then discussed things in general with "Tiny" (who was the officer on duty, and who was looming above his men) for some minutes, he let us through the ranks, and we made our respective clubs about 2 P.M. When I entered B—'s, a house-of-call in those days for the oldest Whigs (who, I need not say, are your true Tories), I found, as usual, the bay-window filled with fogies. To them enters another fogy, who it was evident from his appearance and manner had done something, and was full of news.
        "Well, Sir John," said a voice from the bay-window, "you've been there?" "Yes, Sir William" (they were, I believe, all old county baronets), "and it all went off as quietly as possible—policemen everywhere; and the Duke himself had seen to the posting of the troops!"
        Chorus: "Well, I confess I'm glad it's over."
        To us in 1867 it seems strange to hear of the opening of a Universal Exhibition "going off quietly." Indeed we have since 1851 had so many, that some of the first days went off a good deal too quietly. Witness that of Florence in 1861, when the Government, thinking they must have a high price for the first day, set it at five francs; and so the Italians simply stopped away. But, at first, there was great alarm.
        Independent of the actual Exhibition, however, it is impossible not to look back with interest (now that we are aged, sober, and sensible) at the glass palace of 1851. Who would not like to possess the original sketch (made by Sir Joseph Paxton on a sheet of blotting-paper) which caused the subject of the last business conversation ever held by the great Sir Robert Peel? Riding from that preparatory meeting, he fell from that well-remembered old cob, was hurt to death, picked up by Mrs. Lucas, and taken home to die.
        I have spoken above of the Florence Exhibition—the only one, I believe, yet attempted in Italy. It was charming—no crowd, no hurry—not, perhaps, much of the "useful" to be seen, but mines of the "beautiful" to be worked. It was worth a journey to Florence—and that in those days was really no joke—to see the sculpture alone. I must descend for a moment from the "beautiful," and enter most practically into the "needful." I trust that if any Paris tradesman, hotel-keeper, or other of the necessary scourges of every-day life, reads this, he will take heed of it, and avoid the example of his Florentine fellow-fleecers. There, in 1861, they raised the price of everything one hundred per cent on account of the Exhibition, and entirely omitted to reduce those "war prices" when peace was proclaimed. The palace in the "Cascine" melted away; still prices were stiff. Art went back to its normal value; but life—by which I mean living—held its own, and even exacted a good deal from mere travellers, who fancied that, having escaped the "Exhibition season," they might be let down easy to their old level. Non crederlo!
        Now Paris has already shown symptoms of availing herself of that "pressure from without" which must come by railroad and steamer, by diligence, omnibus, and country cart; and the first preparation for a visit to the Champ de Mars should be a hardening of the heart and an opening of the purse. So shall you be imposed upon. Yes; but being prepared, you will rather pay and smile than remonstrate, perhaps fight—here cocked-hats and dress-swords on swallow-tailed coats appear on the scene—and have to pay, plus police expenses, later.
        Napoleon III., by the grace of God and the will of the people Emperor of the French, was not a man to miss the great points which might be secured from really playing out the great game which Prince Albert had commenced. It was easier for the Emperor than the Prince: a few lines in the Moniteur and a few words in season—I mean, of course, the parliamentary season—by a Minister of Public Works, does away with all your rubbishing discussions in the "faithful Commons," and avoids all those unpleasant questions of utility and those remonstrances against extravagance which I believe are sometimes heard in the House of Commons. At any rate the Emperor had a Great Exhibition in 1855, and erected a "Palace of Industry," which still exists in the Champs Elysées as a lasting monument of the vile taste of the French architect.
        This much, however, must be said of the Palais de l'Industrie: it is useful. Fat beasts are exhibited, and model furniture. Cocks and hens cackle there under the winter's sun in Christmas-week. Cheese knows what competition is there; and there is also the annual exhibition of nude pictures, which constitutes the yearly "Royal Academy Exhibition of Paris." I would advise anyone fond of pictures,—any amateur of modern painting, anyone, in a word, devoted to modern art,—to remember that this Exhibition is open during the summer months from 10 till 6 (entrance a franc), and to be very careful not to go there if he does not wish to tear his hair with vexation and cry out his eyes by weeping over the want of taste in artistic Paris.
        And now, after this dreary introduction, it is time that I should come to our Great Industrial Palace of to-day. Great industrial palace! great iron monstrosity!
        Still, we used to be told as children that it was better to be "good" than "handsome;" and we were always called upon to admire Peter, who, being asked whether he would rather have a fine uniform or a new greatcoat, chose the latter more serviceable article; and so "next day Peter appeared in a new blue coat," and we, the rising generation, were called on to admire his practical taste! Now the oblong iron case in the Champ de Mars is a very "Peter" of utility and ugliness. When I first saw its metallic outlines, I confess I quite shuddered; but I was not so bad as the gentleman who accompanied M. Leon le Play to the ground; for he observed, "Well, I suppose you will have got rid of that in a very few hours?" thinking it was one of the things which were to be cleared away to make room for the new palace! However, judges say that, ugly as the erection—if you can call that an erection which cowers down close to its mother mud—really is, it is eminently useful. True, we can have no great official ceremonies, no opening services, no long processions; for there is no place where they could be seen, or to or from which they could proceed; but as a show-board for the art, science, and industry of the world, judges declare the building to be perfect. It has the usual "spots," however,—it is badly ventilated (even now, when one of those rare rays of spring sun fall on the building, it becomes too hot), very dusty, and liable to be burned to the ground on the shortest notice. So great is that latter risk, that the Norwich Insurance Society—which is not usually believed to be easily frightened—for a long time declined to accept any insurances, and has only just reversed that decision. You can insure there now, and also in a company started in Paris by the Duc de Valney and Mr. Hankey. So now, if (O my exhibitors!) your goods and chattels are destroyed by what the newspapers call the "devastating element," your heirs can be consoled at the expense of the Norwich Society and the French duke.
        This is only an introductory article, short and, let us hope, sharp and to the purpose. Indeed it is not easy—although I see several "Special Correspondents" are daily condemned to do so—to describe that which at present does not exist, De non apparentibus et de non existentibus eadem est ratio. So there is as yet very little reason to describe the shrine of art and industry which to-day is but a shell—a shell, however, which will be opened for the public inspection on the day on which the present number of the Belgravia appears in the delighted world of its subscribers.
        The Champ de Mars is, as probably nine-tenths of your readers know as well as I do, a great oblong space between the river and the Ecole Militaire, and is, as I read, 3084 feet by 2290 feet, or say 1028 yards by 764 yards. Yet I daresay even that lucid explanation will not give so clear an idea of the space now occupied by the building and gardens of the "Great International Exposition" as will be given by my saying that on August 14th, 1865 I saw a corps d'armée of 80,000 men of all arms reviewed there without the slightest crowding or "clubbing" of battalions. The "gasometer," as it was originally christened by a lady in Paris (a bon-mot on which correspondents have been living ever since), occupies now the centre of this review-ground, and the army of occupation has thrown out skirmishers which occupy the whole space. Many reserves too are as yet out of sight. In open order round the main building, which may be said to have "formed oval" to receive visitors, are scattered an imperial tribune, a club, a lighthouse, model houses (contributed by the Emperor); a lake, on which are to float the craft of all nations (here the Empress also is an exhibitor, sending a funereal gondola and a light caique), Indian pagodas, Turkish mosques, Egyptian tombs, a photographic establishment; Spiers and Pond's institution for the dissemination of useful knowledge, as represented by a taste for pale ale; a telegraphic station, from which many hundreds of messages will be flashed, arriving at their destination sooner, or rather—only later rather than sooner. Then there is a garden, already green with the promise of spring—a promise, by the bye, which Nature seems this year rather inclined to renew than to pay. The weather has been very much against the Exhibition up to this time; not only causing inconvenience to visitors, but actual serious delay to exhibitors.
        At Bellancourt, an island on the Seine as little known to the readers of the Belgravia as that of Juan Fernandez, there is a sort of supplementary exhibition, chiefly devoted to the elevation of the bucolic mind, but also a little to the amusement of the bucolic body, which as in London one requires casino after cattle-show, so here one is supposed to want a café chantant after a model plough. This island has been, I regret to say, half washed away, and is in a dilapidated, used-up state. However, resurgam is the imperial motto, and so all will be ready on the day of fools and fish of April. If I could give you a list of the still unveiled beauties which have already arrived for the Exhibition, it would indeed be a curious revelation of chaos! Blocks of coal and black pearls; preserved meat, with pickles of the period; the latest fashion of setting diamonds, and a new plan for planting shrubs; an improved billiard-table; a pulpit warranted to carry to the longest range; harness without straps, buckles, anything; cigars which consume their own smoke; "drags" fitted up with cells to bring back in "solitary confinement" the refractory from Greenwich and Richmond. Strange animals will come to us, and deuced odd fish! We shall be a prey to strange birds; dining-houses of all nations will disgust us (fancy "bird-nest soup" in July, 14 francs the portion!); theatres of all nations will weary us; and, in a word, to the denizen of Paris life will be a bore! Too much pudding, we know, has an unhealthy effect even on the canine race, and too much to see will blind a Christian.
        "Duchess," said a young man the other night in one of the best-frequented salons of Paris, "where shall you be to be found chiefly when the Exhibition is open?"
        "Mais, mon dieu," replied the lady, "chiefly in bed!"
        She had reason, that duchess!

The Rothsays

Originally published in Harper's New Monthly Magazine (Harper and Brothers) vol. 18 # 108 (May 1859). Aunt Helen had that afternoon...